When Did Russia Invade Ukraine? - [] 2024: CLT Livre

When Did Russia Invade Ukraine?

When did Russia officially invade Ukraine?

Timeline – Military control around Kyiv on 2 April 2022 The invasion began at dawn on 24 February, and was described as the biggest attack on a European country since the Second World War. Russia launched a simultaneous ground and air campaign, commencing air and missile strikes across Ukraine, with some rockets reaching as far west as Lviv,

Fighting began in Luhansk Oblast near Milove village on the border with Russia at 3:40 a.m. Kyiv time. The main infantry and tank attacks were launched in four spearhead incursions, creating a northern front launched towards Kyiv from Belarus, a southern front from Crimea, a southeastern front from the Russian-controlled Donbas, and an eastern front launched from Russia towards Kharkiv and Sumy.

Russian vehicles were subsequently marked with a white Z military symbol (a non- Cyrillic letter ), believed to be a measure to prevent friendly fire, Immediately after the invasion began, Zelenskyy declared martial law in Ukraine, That same evening, he ordered a general mobilisation of all Ukrainian males between 18 and 60 years old, prohibiting them from leaving the country.

Wagner Group mercenaries and Kadyrovites contracted by the Kremlin reportedly made several attempts to assassinate Zelenskyy, including an operation involving several hundred mercenaries meant to infiltrate Kyiv with the aim of killing the Ukrainian president. The Ukrainian government said these efforts were thwarted by anti-war officials in Russia’s FSB, who shared intelligence of the plans.

The Russian invasion was unexpectedly met by fierce Ukrainian resistance. In Kyiv, Russia failed to take the city as its attacks were repulsed in the city’s suburbs during the battles of Irpin, Hostomel, and Bucha, The Russian army tried to encircle the capital, but Ukrainian forces held ground, utilizing Western arms to great effectiveness, including Javelin anti-tank missiles and Stinger anti-aircraft missiles, thinning Russian supply lines and stalling the offensive.

  1. The defense of the Ukrainian capital was under the command of Colonel-General Oleksandr Syrskyi,
  2. On 9 March, a column of Russian tanks and armoured vehicles were ambushed in Brovary ; after suffering heavy losses, they were forced to retreat.
  3. The Russian army adopted siege tactics on the western front around the key cities of Chernihiv, Sumy and Kharkiv, but failed to capture them due to stiff resistance and logistical setbacks.

On the southern front, Russian forces captured the major city of Kherson on 2 March. In Mykolaiv Oblast, Russian forces advanced as far as Voznesensk, but were repelled south of Mykolaiv. On 25 March, the Russian Defence Ministry stated that the first stage of the “military operation” in Ukraine was “generally complete”, that the Ukrainian military forces had suffered serious losses, and that the Russian military would now concentrate on the “liberation of Donbas,” The “first stage” of the invasion was conducted on four fronts, including one towards western Kyiv from Belarus by the Russian Eastern Military District, comprising the 29th, 35th, and 36th Combined Arms Armies,

  • A second axis, deployed towards eastern Kyiv from Russia by the Central Military District (northeastern front), comprised the 41st Combined Arms Army and the 2nd Guards Combined Arms Army,
  • A third axis was deployed towards Kharkiv by the Western Military District (eastern front), with the 1st Guards Tank Army and 20th Combined Arms Army.

A fourth, southern front originating in occupied Crimea and Russia’s Rostov oblast with an eastern axis towards Odesa and a western area of operations toward Mariupol was opened by the Southern Military District, including the 58th, 49th, and 8th Combined Arms Army, the latter also commanding the 1st and 2nd Army Corps of the Russian separatist forces in Donbas.

  • By 7 April, Russian troops deployed to the northern front by the Russian Eastern Military District pulled back from the Kyiv offensive, apparently to resupply and redeploy to the Donbas region to reinforce the renewed invasion of southeastern Ukraine.
  • The northeastern front, including the Central Military District, was similarly withdrawn for resupply and redeployment to southeastern Ukraine.

On 18 April, retired Lieutenant General Douglas Lute, the former US ambassador to NATO, reported in a PBS NewsHour interview that Russia had repositioned its troops to initiate a new assault on eastern Ukraine which would be limited to Russia’s original deployment of 150,000 to 190,000 troops for the invasion, though the troops were being well supplied from adequate weapon stockpiles in Russia.

For Lute, this contrasted sharply with the vast size of the Ukrainian conscription of all-male Ukrainian citizens between 16 and 60 years of age, but without adequate weapons in Ukraine’s highly limited stockpiles of weapons. On 26 April, delegates of the US and 40 allied nations met at Ramstein Air Base in Germany to discuss forming a coalition to provide economic support and military supplies and refitting to Ukraine.

Following Putin’s Victory Day speech in early May, US Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines said no short term resolution to the invasion should be expected. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy with members of the Ukrainian Army on 18 June 2022 Ukraine’s reliance on Western-supplied equipment constrained operational effectiveness, as supplying countries feared that Ukraine would use Western-made matériel to strike targets in Russia.

  1. Military experts disagreed on the future of the conflict; some suggested that Ukraine should trade territory for peace, while others believed that Ukraine could maintain its resistance thanks to the Russian losses.
  2. By 30 May, disparities between Russian and Ukrainian artillery were apparent, with Ukrainian artillery being vastly outgunned, in terms of both range and number.

In response to US President Joe Biden ‘s indication that enhanced artillery would be provided to Ukraine, Putin said that Russia would expand its invasion front to include new cities in Ukraine. In apparent retribution, Putin ordered a missile strike against Kyiv on 6 June after not directly attacking the city for several weeks.

On 10 June 2022, Vadym Skibitsky, deputy head of Ukraine’s military intelligence, stated during the Severodonetsk campaign that the frontlines were where the future of the invasion would be decided: “This is an artillery war now, and we are losing in terms of artillery. Everything now depends on what gives us.

Ukraine has one artillery piece to 10 to 15 Russian artillery pieces. Our western partners have given us about 10% of what they have.” On 29 June, Reuters reported that Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines, updating U.S. intelligence assessment of the Russian invasion, said that U.S.

When did Russia invade Kyiv?

First Russian attack (25–27 February 2022) – Russian forces engaged Ukrainian troops at Hostomel Airport on 24 February 2022. A key supply point for Russian troops near Kyiv, the airport, located in Hostomel, a town northwest of the city, was captured the following day, Territorial Defense Forces troops in Kyiv, 25 February

Is Ukraine a NATO partner?

Frequently Asked Questions –

NATO is a defensive alliance of 31 countries from Europe and North America. Learn more:

NATO exists to defend its member countries and their one billion citizens. It does this by bringing together the governments and the armed forces of the 31 Allies, and by providing a security guarantee that an attack on one of them is an attack on all of them. Learn more: Learn more:

Ukraine is not a NATO member. Ukraine is a NATO partner country, which means that it cooperates closely with NATO but it is not covered by the security guarantee in the Alliance’s founding treaty. Learn more: Learn more:

NATO is helping to coordinate Ukraine’s requests for assistance and is supporting Allies in the delivery of humanitarian and non-lethal aid. Through NATO, Allies have already pledged EUR 500 million to meet Ukraine’s critical needs, including fuel, demining equipment and medical supplies. At the 2023 Vilnius Summit, Allies agreed to support Ukraine further with a multi-year assistance programme, which will help Ukraine transition from Soviet-era to NATO standards, training and doctrines; help rebuild Ukraine’s security and defence sector; and continue to cover critical needs. Furthermore, Allies agreed to upgrade political ties by establishing the NATO-Ukraine Council, a forum for crisis consultation and decision-making where all NATO members and Ukraine sit as equals. Lastly, Allies reaffirmed that Ukraine will become a member of NATO when Allies agree and when conditions are met. They removed the requirement for Ukraine to pursue a Membership Action Plan (a NATO programme covering political, economic, defence, resource, security and legal reforms of aspirant countries), which will change Ukraine’s membership path from a two-step process to a one-step process. These measures are building off the package of support that Allies previously agreed at the 2022 Madrid Summit, which covered areas including secure communications, combat rations, fuel, medical supplies, body armour, winter clothing, equipment to counter mines and chemical and biological threats, and portable anti-drone systems. All of this assistance itself built off years of previous support to Ukraine, which NATO has provided since Russia’s initial invasion and illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. More broadly, NATO’s Article 5 security guarantee and its ironclad promise of collective defence provides Allies with the confidence that they can send weapons to Ukraine without diminishing their own security. Furthermore, the Alliance’s well-established structure of common standards and interoperable systems is allowing Allies to provide equipment with the assurance that materiel transferred to Ukraine can be backfilled by compatible equipment from other Allies. Individual NATO member countries are sending weapons, ammunition and many types of light and heavy military equipment, including anti-tank and air defence systems, howitzers, drones and tanks. To date, NATO Allies have provided billions of euros’ worth of military equipment to Ukraine. Allied forces are also training Ukrainian troops to use this equipment. All of this is making a difference on the battlefield every day, helping Ukraine to uphold its right of self-defence, which is enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, Allies are providing billions of euros of financial assistance to Ukraine. Many Allies are also providing humanitarian aid to civilians and hosting millions of Ukrainian refugees. Allies are working with relevant stakeholders in the international community to hold accountable all those responsible for war crimes, including conflict-related sexual violence. Allies have also worked closely to support international efforts to enable exports of Ukrainian grain and to alleviate the global food crisis. In the longer term, the Alliance is committed to assisting Ukraine and supporting efforts on its path of post-war reconstruction and reforms. Learn more: Learn more: Learn more:

Since Russia’s illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea in 2014, NATO has helped to reform Ukraine’s armed forces and defence institutions, including with equipment and financial support. Allies have also provided training for tens of thousands of Ukrainian troops. Ukrainian forces have also developed their capabilities by participating in NATO exercises and operations. Since 2016, NATO’s support has been organised through a Comprehensive Assistance Package (CAP), which includes a wide range of capacity-building programmes and trust funds, focused on key areas like cyber defence, logistics and countering hybrid warfare. Allied Leaders agreed a strengthened CAP at the 2022 Madrid Summit, and a multi-year assistance programme at the 2023 Vilnius Summit. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, NATO and Allies have been providing unprecedented levels of support to Ukraine (see FAQ #4 above). Learn more:

Since Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and destabilisation of eastern Ukraine in 2014, NATO has adopted a firm position in full support of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. The Allies strongly condemn and do not recognise Russia’s illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea, and denounce its temporary occupation. NATO also condemns Russia’s illegal attempt to annex four regions of Ukraine – Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia – in September 2022, which is the largest attempted annexation of European territory by force since the Second World War. The sham referenda in these regions were engineered in Moscow and imposed on Ukraine. They have no legitimacy, and NATO does not recognise them. These lands are Ukraine and will always be Ukraine. The overwhelming vote in the United Nations General Assembly condemning Russia’s attempted annexations sent a clear and strong message that Russia is isolated and that the world stands with Ukraine, in defence of the rules-based international order. Learn more: Learn more:

NATO’s actions are defensive, designed not to provoke conflict but to prevent conflict. The Alliance has a responsibility to ensure that this war does not escalate and spread beyond Ukraine, which would be even more devastating and dangerous. Enforcing a no-fly zone would bring NATO forces into direct conflict with Russia. This would significantly escalate the war and lead to more human suffering and destruction for all countries involved. Learn more:

NATO Allies and partners have imposed unprecedented costs on Russia, including severe sanctions that are helping starve the Kremlin’s war machine of resources. Allies continue to refine the sanctions in order to increase the pressure on Moscow. These efforts will make it harder for Russia to rebuild its tanks, manufacture missiles and finance its war. President Putin’s decision to attack Ukraine is a terrible strategic mistake, for which Russia will pay a heavy price, both economically and politically, for years to come. Learn more:

Following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Allies activated NATO’s defence plans and deployed thousands of extra troops from both sides of the Atlantic. Over 40,000 troops, along with significant air and naval assets, are now under direct NATO command in the eastern part of the Alliance, supported by tens of thousands more from Allies’ national deployments. NATO rapidly established four new multinational battlegroups in Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in addition to the existing battlegroups in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. The eight battlegroups extend all along NATO’s eastern flank, from the Baltic Sea in the north to the Black Sea in the south. At the 2022 Madrid Summit, Allies agreed a fundamental shift in NATO’s deterrence and defence. This included strengthening forward defences, preparing the battlegroups in the eastern part of the Alliance to be enhanced from battalions up to brigade level, transforming the NATO Response Force and increasing the number of high-readiness forces to well over 300,000. These forces will be underpinned by more pre-positioned equipment and supplies; more forward-deployed capabilities; and upgraded defence plans, with forces pre-assigned to defend specific Allies. All of this constitutes the biggest overhaul of Allied collective defence and deterrence since the Cold War. At the 2023 Vilnius Summit, Allies built upon their Madrid decisions by approving new regional defence plans to counter the two main threats to the Alliance: Russia and terrorism. NATO Leaders also renewed their pledge to invest a minimum of 2% of Gross Domestic Product annually on defence, and endorsed a Defence Production Action Plan to accelerate joint procurement, boost interoperability and generate investment and production capacity. NATO Allies are also increasing the resilience of their societies and infrastructure. This includes enhancing cyber capabilities and defences, and providing support to each other in the event of cyber attacks. Following the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipelines, Allies have doubled their naval presence in the Baltic and North Seas, and are increasing security around other key installations and pieces of critical infrastructure. NATO members are stepping up intelligence-sharing and surveillance across all domains, to ensure the protection of critical undersea and energy infrastructure. Allies are also enhancing their preparedness for chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear threats, strengthening their energy security, and boosting resilience to hybrid threats, including disinformation. Learn more: Learn more: Learn more:

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Russia’s threatening nuclear rhetoric is dangerous and irresponsible. NATO takes these threats seriously, but will not be intimidated. NATO remains vigilant and conveys a clear message to Russia that a nuclear war cannot be won and should never be fought. Any use of nuclear weapons by Russia would fundamentally change the nature of the war, and it would have severe consequences for Russia. Any use by Russia of a chemical or biological weapon would be a violation of international law and a war crime, and result in severe consequences. Learn more : Learn more :

Did Russia invade Ukraine 1917?

Historiography – In Soviet historiography and terminology, the armed conflict is depicted as part of the greater Russian Civil War : in Ukraine, this war was fought between the national government (led by Symon Petliura ) and the Russian Bolshevik government (led by Lenin). The war may be divided into three phases:

  1. December 1917 – April 1918: Revolutionary days, attempted Bolshevik coups, invasion of Ukraine by the Red Army formations, signing of protectorate treaty, and liberation from the Bolsheviks.
  2. December 1918 – December 1919: Civil war in Ukraine, full-scale invasion by the Red Army, unification of Ukraine, anti-Soviet peasant uprisings, Denikin’s Volunteer Army and the Allied intervention, loss of West Ukraine to Poland.
  3. Spring 1920 – Autumn 1921: Polish–Soviet War (Treaty of Warsaw), Russian Civil War (between Bolshevik armies and the Armed Forces of South Russia ), Ukrainian guerrilla operations (First and Second Winter Campaigns), government in exile.

Why Russia failed to capture Kyiv?

Russian advance on Kyiv – On the morning of 24 February 2022, Russia initiated attacks on Kyiv Oblast with artillery and missile strikes on several primary targets, including Boryspil International Airport, Kyiv’s primary airport. Russia apparently intended to rapidly seize Kyiv, with Spetsnaz infiltrating the city, supported by airborne operations and a rapid mechanised advance from the north.

Russian Airborne Forces attempted to seize two key airfields near Kyiv, launching an airborne assault on Antonov Airport, followed by a similar landing at Vasylkiv, near Vasylkiv Air Base south of Kyiv, on 26 February. The attacks were unsuccessful due to several factors, including the disparity in morale and performance between Ukrainian and Russian forces, the Ukrainian use of sophisticated man-portable weapons provided by Western allies, poor Russian logistics and equipment performance, the failure of the Russian Air Force to achieve air superiority, and Russian military attrition during their siege of major cities.

As Russian forces advanced towards Kyiv, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy warned that ” subversive groups ” were approaching the city. The Ukrainians also claimed that at the beginning of the invasion, just 30 SOF soldiers managed to halt the Russian attack.

  • The Ukrainians ambushed the Russian convoy, guarded by some 2,000 troops, and destroyed three lead vehicles, attacked the rest of the convoy, destroying the bridges in the process.
  • This engagement ended up temporarily stalling the entire Russian advance from Belarus, which consisted of 70,000 soldiers and 7,000 vehicles.

Wagner Group mercenaries and Chechen forces reportedly made several attempts to assassinate Zelenskyy, The Ukrainian government said these efforts were thwarted by anti-war officials in Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB), who shared intelligence of the plans.

Russian forces trying to capture Kyiv sent a probative spearhead on 24 February south from Belarus along the west bank of the Dnipro River, apparently to encircle the city from the west, but it pulled back by 7 April to resupply and redeploy to the southeastern front. It was supported by two separate axes of attack from Russia along the east bank of the Dnipro: the western at Chernihiv, and the eastern at Sumy.

These were likely intended to encircle Kyiv from the northeast and east. The attack force reached the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone and captured the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant and the ghost city of Pripyat, Following their breakthrough at Chernobyl, Russian forces were held at Ivankiv, a key town between the border and Kyiv.

  1. United States Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin revealed that some Russian mechanized infantry units had advanced to within 20 miles (32 km) of Kyiv on the first day of the offensive.
  2. The Russian advance was greatly hindered by logistical difficulties, partially caused by the Belarusian opposition, as dissident railway workers, hackers and security forces disrupted railway lines in Belarus.

This operation, known as the 2022 rail war in Belarus, was mainly organized by individuals and three larger networks known as “Bypol”, the “Community of Railway Workers”, and the “Cyber Partisans”.

Who won the battle of Kiev?

After a fierce three-hour battle, the Russian vehicles were destroyed or abandoned, and the soldiers were dead or in retreat. The Ukrainians set off across the bridge to finish off the rest of the column. The Russians never crossed that bridge in their monthlong attempt to seize Kyiv.

Who won the battle of Kyiv ww2?

Battle of Kiev (1941)

Date 7 July – 26 September 1941 (2 months, 2 weeks and 5 days)
Location East and south of Kiev, Ukrainian SSR, Soviet Union
Result German victory Encirclement and destruction of Southwestern Front (Soviet Union) Babi Yar Massacre
Territorial changes German occupation of Kiev

When did Russia leave NATO?

2015 – Stoltenberg has called for more cooperation with Russia in the fight against terrorism following the deadly January 2015 attack on the headquarters of a French satirical weekly magazine Charlie Hebdo in Paris. In early February 2015, NATO diplomats said that concern was growing in NATO over Russia’s nuclear strategy and indications that Russia’s nuclear strategy appeared to point to a lowering of the threshold for using nuclear weapons in any conflict.

  • The conclusion was followed by British Defense Secretary Michael Fallon saying that Britain must update its nuclear arsenal in response to Russian modernization of its nuclear forces.
  • Later in February, Fallon said that Putin could repeat tactics used in Ukraine in Baltic members of the NATO alliance; he also said: “NATO has to be ready for any kind of aggression from Russia, whatever form it takes.

NATO is getting ready.” Fallon noted that it was not a new Cold War with Russia, as the situation was already “pretty warm”. In March 2015, Russia, citing NATO’s de facto breach of the 1990 Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, said that the suspension of its participation in it, announced in 2007, was now “complete” through halting its participation in the consulting group on the Treaty.

In spring, the Russian Defense Ministry announced it was planning to deploy additional forces in Crimea as part of beefing up its Black Sea Fleet, including re-deployment by 2016 of nuclear-capable Tupolev Tu-22M3 (‘Backfire’) long-range strike bombers—which used to be the backbone of Soviet naval strike units during the Cold War, but were later withdrawn from bases in Crimea.

Early April 2015 saw the publication of the leaked information ascribed to semi-official sources within the Russian military and intelligence establishment, about Russia’s alleged preparedness for a nuclear response to certain inimical non-nuclear acts on the part of NATO; such implied threats were interpreted as “an attempt to create strategic uncertainty ” and undermine Western political cohesion.

  • Also in this vein, Norway’s defense minister, Ine Eriksen Søreide, noted that Russia had “created uncertainty about its intentions”.
  • In June 2015, an independent Russian military analyst was quoted by a major American newspaper as saying: “Everybody should understand that we are living in a totally different world than two years ago.

In that world, which we lost, it was possible to organize your security with treaties, with mutual-trust measures. Now we have come to an absolutely different situation, where the general way to ensure your security is military deterrence,” On 16 June 2015, Tass quoted Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Aleksey Meshkov as saying that “none of the Russia-NATO programs that used to be at work are functioning at a working level.” In late June 2015, while on a trip to Estonia, US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter said the US would deploy heavy weapons, including tanks, armoured vehicles and artillery, in Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Romania.

  1. The move was interpreted by Western commentators as marking the beginning of a reorientation of NATO’s strategy.
  2. It was called by a senior Russian Defence Ministry official “the most aggressive act by Washington since the Cold War” and criticised by the Russian Foreign Ministry as “inadequate in military terms” and “an obvious return by the United States and its allies to the schemes of ‘the Cold War'”.

On its part, the U.S. expressed concern over Putin’s announcement of plans to add over 40 new ballistic missiles to Russia’s nuclear weapons arsenal in 2015. American observers and analysts, such as Steven Pifer, noting that the U.S. had no reason for alarm about the new missiles, provided that Russia remained within the limits of the 2010 New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty ( New START ), viewed the ratcheting-up of nuclear saber-rattling by Russia’s leadership as mainly bluff and bluster designed to conceal Russia’s weaknesses; however, Pifer suggested that the most alarming motivation behind this rhetoric could be Putin seeing nuclear weapons not merely as tools of deterrence, but as tools of coercion.

  • Meanwhile, at the end of June 2015, it was reported that the production schedule for a new Russian MIRV -equipped, super-heavy thermonuclear intercontinental ballistic missile Sarmat, intended to replace the obsolete Soviet-era SS-18 Satan missiles, was slipping.
  • Also noted by commentators were the inevitable financial and technological constraints that would hamper any real arms race with the West, if such course were to be embarked on by Russia.

Under the Stoltenberg leadership, NATO took a radically new position on propaganda and counter-propaganda in 2015, that “Entirely legal activities, such as running a pro-Moscow TV station, could become a broader assault on a country that would require a NATO response under Article Five of the Treaty.

A final strategy is expected in October 2015.” In another report, the journalist reported that “as part of the hardened stance, Britain has committed £750,000 of UK money to support a counter-propaganda unit at NATO’s headquarters in Brussels.” In November NATO’s top military commander US General Philip Breedlove said that the alliance was “watching for indications” amid fears over the possibility that Russia could move any of its nuclear arsenal to the peninsula.

NATO-Russia tensions rose further after, on 24 November 2015, Turkey shot down a Russian warplane that allegedly violated Turkish airspace while on a mission in northwestern Syria. Russian officials denied that the plane had entered Turkish airspace. Shortly after the incident, NATO called an emergency meeting to discuss the matter.

  • Stoltenberg said “We stand in solidarity with Turkey and support the territorial integrity of our NATO ally” after Turkey shot down a Russian military jet for allegedly violating Turkish airspace for 17 seconds, near the Syrian border.
  • On 2 December 2015, NATO member states formally invited Montenegro to join the alliance, which drew a response from Russia that it would suspend cooperation with that country.

In December, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said re-deployment of nuclear-capable Tupolev Tu-22M3 (‘Backfire’) long-range strike bombers to Crimea would be a legitimate action as “Crimea has now become part of a country that has such weapons under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,”

Who founded NATO?

NOTE TO READERS “Milestones in the History of U.S. Foreign Relations” has been retired and is no longer maintained. For more information, please see the full notice, The North Atlantic Treaty Organization was created in 1949 by the United States, Canada, and several Western European nations to provide collective security against the Soviet Union. Signing of the NATO Treaty NATO was the first peacetime military alliance the United States entered into outside of the Western Hemisphere. After the destruction of the Second World War, the nations of Europe struggled to rebuild their economies and ensure their security.

The former required a massive influx of aid to help the war-torn landscapes re-establish industries and produce food, and the latter required assurances against a resurgent Germany or incursions from the Soviet Union. The United States viewed an economically strong, rearmed, and integrated Europe as vital to the prevention of communist expansion across the continent.

As a result, Secretary of State George Marshall proposed a program of large-scale economic aid to Europe. The resulting European Recovery Program, or Marshall Plan, not only facilitated European economic integration but promoted the idea of shared interests and cooperation between the United States and Europe.

  1. Soviet refusal either to participate in the Marshall Plan or to allow its satellite states in Eastern Europe to accept the economic assistance helped to reinforce the growing division between east and west in Europe.
  2. In 1947–1948, a series of events caused the nations of Western Europe to become concerned about their physical and political security and the United States to become more closely involved with European affairs.

The ongoing civil war in Greece, along with tensions in Turkey, led President Harry S. Truman to assert that the United States would provide economic and military aid to both countries, as well as to any other nation struggling against an attempt at subjugation,

A Soviet-sponsored coup in Czechoslovakia resulted in a communist government coming to power on the borders of Germany. Attention also focused on elections in Italy as the communist party had made significant gains among Italian voters. Furthermore, events in Germany also caused concern. The occupation and governance of Germany after the war had long been disputed, and in mid-1948, Soviet premier Joseph Stalin chose to test Western resolve by implementing a blockade against West Berlin, which was then under joint U.S., British, and French control but surrounded by Soviet-controlled East Germany.

This Berlin Crisis brought the United States and the Soviet Union to the brink of conflict, although a massive airlift to resupply the city for the duration of the blockade helped to prevent an outright confrontation. These events caused U.S. officials to grow increasingly wary of the possibility that the countries of Western Europe might deal with their security concerns by negotiating with the Soviets. Signing of the Brussels Treaty The Western European countries were willing to consider a collective security solution. In response to increasing tensions and security concerns, representatives of several countries of Western Europe gathered together to create a military alliance.

  • Great Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg signed the Brussels Treaty in March, 1948.
  • Their treaty provided collective defense; if any one of these nations was attacked, the others were bound to help defend it.
  • At the same time, the Truman Administration instituted a peacetime draft, increased military spending, and called upon the historically isolationist Republican Congress to consider a military alliance with Europe.

In May of 1948, Republican Senator Arthur H. Vandenburg proposed a resolution suggesting that the President seek a security treaty with Western Europe that would adhere to the United Nations charter but exist outside of the Security Council where the Soviet Union held veto power.

The Vandenburg Resolution passed, and negotiations began for the North Atlantic Treaty. In spite of general agreement on the concept behind the treaty, it took several months to work out the exact terms. The U.S. Congress had embraced the pursuit of the international alliance, but it remained concerned about the wording of the treaty.

The nations of Western Europe wanted assurances that the United States would intervene automatically in the event of an attack, but under the U.S. Constitution the power to declare war rested with Congress. Negotiations worked toward finding language that would reassure the European states but not obligate the United States to act in a way that violated its own laws.

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Additionally, European contributions to collective security would require large-scale military assistance from the United States to help rebuild Western Europe’s defense capabilities. While the European nations argued for individual grants and aid, the United States wanted to make aid conditional on regional coordination.

A third issue was the question of scope. The Brussels Treaty signatories preferred that membership in the alliance be restricted to the members of that treaty plus the United States. The U.S. negotiators felt there was more to be gained from enlarging the new treaty to include the countries of the North Atlantic, including Canada, Iceland, Denmark, Norway, Ireland, and Portugal. President Truman inspecting a tank produced under the Mutual Defense Assistance Program The result of these extensive negotiations was the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949. In this agreement, the United States, Canada, Belgium, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxemburg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, and the United Kingdom agreed to consider attack against one an attack against all, along with consultations about threats and defense matters.

  • This collective defense arrangement only formally applied to attacks against the signatories that occurred in Europe or North America; it did not include conflicts in colonial territories.
  • After the treaty was signed, a number of the signatories made requests to the United States for military aid.
  • Later in 1949, President Truman proposed a military assistance program, and the Mutual Defense Assistance Program passed the U.S.

Congress in October, appropriating some $1.4 billion dollars for the purpose of building Western European defenses. Soon after the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the outbreak of the Korean War led the members to move quickly to integrate and coordinate their defense forces through a centralized headquarters.

The North Korean attack on South Korea was widely viewed at the time to be an example of communist aggression directed by Moscow, so the United States bolstered its troop commitments to Europe to provide assurances against Soviet aggression on the European continent. In 1952, the members agreed to admit Greece and Turkey to NATO and added the Federal Republic of Germany in 1955.

West German entry led the Soviet Union to retaliate with its own regional alliance, which took the form of the Warsaw Treaty Organization and included the Soviet satellite states of Eastern Europe as members. The collective defense arrangements in NATO served to place the whole of Western Europe under the American “nuclear umbrella.” In the 1950s, one of the first military doctrines of NATO emerged in the form of “massive retaliation,” or the idea that if any member was attacked, the United States would respond with a large-scale nuclear attack.

The threat of this form of response was meant to serve as a deterrent against Soviet aggression on the continent. Although formed in response to the exigencies of the developing Cold War, NATO has lasted beyond the end of that conflict, with membership even expanding to include some former Soviet states.

It remains the largest peacetime military alliance in the world.

How big is NATO Army compared to Russia?

As of 2023, NATO had approximately 3.36 million active military personnel compared with 1.33 million active military personnel in the Russian military.

Who defeated Russia in 1917?

Bolshevik Revolution – On November 6 and 7, 1917 (or October 24 and 25 on the Julian calendar, which is why the event is often referred to as the October Revolution ), leftist revolutionaries led by Bolshevik Party leader Vladimir Lenin launched a nearly bloodless coup d’état against the Duma’s provisional government.

  • The provisional government had been assembled by a group of leaders from Russia’s bourgeois capitalist class.
  • Lenin instead called for a Soviet government that would be ruled directly by councils of soldiers, peasants and workers.
  • The Bolsheviks and their allies occupied government buildings and other strategic locations in Petrograd, and soon formed a new government with Lenin as its head.

Lenin became the dictator of the world’s first communist state.

Who won ww1?

Who won World War I? The Allies won World War I after four years of combat and the deaths of some 8.5 million soldiers as a result of battle wounds or disease. Read more about the Treaty of Versailles. In many ways, the peace treaty that ended World War I set the stage for World War II.

Did Ukraine exist in ww1?

Ukraine after the Russian Revolution of 1917 – February 1918 article from The New York Times showing a map of the Russian Imperial territories claimed by Ukraine People’s Republic at the time, before the annexation of the Austro-Hungarian lands of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic Special edition of the Lübeckischen Anzeigen, Headline: Peace with the Ukraine (February 9, 1918) During World War I the western Ukrainian people were situated between Austria-Hungary and Russia. Ukrainian villages were regularly destroyed in the crossfire.

  • Ukrainians could be found participating on both sides of the conflict.
  • In Galicia, over twenty thousand Ukrainians who were suspected of being sympathetic to Russian interests were arrested and placed in Austrian concentration camps, both in Talerhof, Styria and in Terezín fortress (now in the Czech Republic ).

The brutality did not end with the end of the First World War for Ukrainians. Fighting actually escalated with the beginning of the Russian Revolution of 1917, The revolution began a civil war within the Russian Empire and much of the fighting took place in the Ukrainian provinces.

  • Many atrocities occurred during the civil war as the Red, White, Polish, Ukrainian, and allied armies marched throughout the country.
  • There were a couple of attempts during this period when the Ukrainians successfully established their own state.
  • One was with the capital in Kyiv and the other in Lviv, but neither one of them gained enough support in the international community and they both failed.

The 1919 Treaty of Versailles secured the borders of Ukrainian land after those of other European countries. In the West, Galicia and western Volhynia were left to Poland, The Kingdom of Romania gained the province of Bukovina, Czechoslovakia secured the former lands of Austria-Hungary, Uzhhorod and Mukachevo,

The remaining central and eastern Ukrainian provinces were left to the brotherly Soviet Union, As a result of World War I and the Russian Civil War, Ukrainian nationalists looked on as their attempt to attain statehood crumbled in favor of other countries’ territorial expansion when 1.5 million had died in the recent fighting.

With the end of World War I the Ukrainian national movement went underground.

Who fought Russia in ww2?

Forces – Situation in Europe by May/June 1941, immediately before Operation Barbarossa The war was fought between Germany, its allies and Finland, against the Soviet Union and its allies. The conflict began on 22 June 1941 with the Operation Barbarossa offensive, when Axis forces crossed the borders described in the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact, thereby invading the Soviet Union.

The war ended on 9 May 1945, when Germany’s armed forces surrendered unconditionally following the Battle of Berlin (also known as the Berlin Offensive ), a strategic operation executed by the Red Army, The states that provided forces and other resources for the German war effort included the Axis Powers – primarily Romania, Hungary, Italy, pro-Nazi Slovakia, and Croatia.

Anti-Soviet Finland, which had fought the Winter War against the Soviet Union, also joined the offensive. The Wehrmacht forces were also assisted by anti-Communist partisans in places like Western Ukraine, and the Baltic states, Among the most prominent volunteer army formations was the Spanish Blue Division, sent by Spanish dictator Francisco Franco to keep his ties to the Axis intact.

The Soviet Union offered support to the anti-Axis partisans in many Wehrmacht -occupied countries in Central Europe, notably those in Slovakia and Poland, In addition, the Polish Armed Forces in the East, particularly the First and Second Polish armies, were armed and trained, and would eventually fight alongside the Red Army.

The Free French forces also contributed to the Red Army by the formation of the GC3 ( Groupe de Chasse 3 or 3rd Fighter Group) unit to fulfil the commitment of Charles de Gaulle, leader of the Free French, who thought that it was important for French servicemen to serve on all fronts.

Comparative strengths of combat forces, Eastern Front, 1941–1945

Date Axis forces Soviet forces
22 June 1941 3,050,000 Germans, 67,000 (northern Norway); 500,000 Finns, 150,000 Romanians Total: 3,767,000 in the east (80% of the German Army) 2,680,000 active in Western Military Districts out of 5,500,000 (overall); 12,000,000 mobilizable reserves
7 June 1942 2,600,000 Germans, 90,000 (northern Norway); 600,000 Romanians, Hungarians, and Italians Total: 3,720,000 in the east (80% of the German Army) 5,313,000 (front); 383,000 (hospital) Total: 9,350,000
9 July 1943 3,403,000 Germans, 80,000 (northern Norway); 400,000 Finns, 150,000 Romanians and Hungarians Total: 3,933,000 in the east (63% of the German Army) 6,724,000 (front); 446,445 (hospital); Total: 10,300,000
1 May 1944 2,460,000 Germans, 60,000 (northern Norway); 300,000 Finns, 550,000 Romanians and Hungarians Total: 3,370,000 in the east (62% of the German Army) 6,425,000
1 January 1945 2,230,000 Germans, 100,000 Hungarians Total: 2,330,000 in the east (60% of the German Army) 6,532,000 (360,000 Poles, Romanians, Bulgarians, and Czechs)
1 April 1945 1,960,000 Germans Total: 1,960,000 (66% of the German Army) 6,410,000 (450,000 Poles, Romanians, Bulgarians, and Czechs)

The above figures includes all personnel in the German Army, i.e. active-duty Heer, Waffen SS, Luftwaffe ground forces, personnel of the naval coastal artillery and security units. In the spring of 1940, Germany had mobilised 5,500,000 men. By the time of the invasion of the Soviet Union, the Wehrmacht consisted of c.3,800,000 men of the Heer, 1,680,000 of the Luftwaffe, 404,000 of the Kriegsmarine, 150,000 of the Waffen-SS, and 1,200,000 of the Replacement Army (contained 450,400 active reservists, 550,000 new recruits and 204,000 in administrative services, vigiles and or in convalescence). German soldiers in a Panzer III tank; Kalmyk steppe north of Stalingrad, September 1942 By July 1943, the Wehrmacht numbered 6,815,000 troops. Of these, 3,900,000 were deployed in eastern Europe, 180,000 in Finland, 315,000 in Norway, 110,000 in Denmark, 1,370,000 in western Europe, 330,000 in Italy, and 610,000 in the Balkans.

According to a presentation by Alfred Jodl, the Wehrmacht was up to 7,849,000 personnel in April 1944.3,878,000 were deployed in eastern Europe, 311,000 in Norway/Denmark, 1,873,000 in western Europe, 961,000 in Italy, and 826,000 in the Balkans. About 15–20% of total German strength were foreign troops (from allied countries or conquered territories).

The German high water mark was just before the Battle of Kursk, in early July 1943: 3,403,000 German troops and 650,000 Finnish, Hungarian, Romanian and other countries’ troops. For nearly two years the border was quiet while Germany conquered Denmark, Norway, France, the Low Countries, and the Balkans,

Hitler had always intended to renege on his pact with the Soviet Union, eventually making the decision to invade in the spring of 1941. Some historians say Stalin was fearful of war with Germany, or just did not expect Germany to start a two-front war, and was reluctant to do anything to provoke Hitler.

Others say that Stalin was eager for Germany to be at war with capitalist countries. Another viewpoint is that Stalin expected war in 1942 (the time when all his preparations would be complete) and stubbornly refused to believe it would come early. British historians Alan S. German infantry in Russia, June 1943 Germany had been assembling very large numbers of troops in eastern Poland and making repeated reconnaissance flights over the border; the Soviet Union responded by assembling its divisions on its western border, although the Soviet mobilisation was slower than Germany’s due to the country’s less dense road network.

As in the Sino-Soviet conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway or Soviet–Japanese border conflicts, Soviet troops on the western border received a directive, signed by Marshal Semyon Timoshenko and General of the Army Georgy Zhukov, that ordered (as demanded by Stalin): “do not answer to any provocations” and “do not undertake any (offensive) actions without specific orders” – which meant that Soviet troops could open fire only on their soil and forbade counter-attack on German soil.

The German invasion therefore caught the Soviet military and civilian leadership largely by surprise. The extent of warnings received by Stalin about a German invasion is controversial, and the claim that there was a warning that “Germany will attack on 22 June without declaration of war” has been dismissed as a “popular myth”.

However, some sources quoted in the articles on Soviet spies Richard Sorge and Willi Lehmann, say they had sent warnings of an attack on 20 or 22 June, which were treated as “disinformation”. The Lucy spy ring in Switzerland also sent warnings, possibly deriving from Ultra codebreaking in Britain. Sweden had access to internal German communications through breaking the crypto used in the Siemens and Halske T52 crypto machine also known as the Geheimschreiber and informed Stalin about the forthcoming invasion well ahead of June 22, but did not reveal its sources.

Soviet intelligence was fooled by German disinformation, so sent false alarms to Moscow about a German invasion in April, May and the beginning of June. Soviet intelligence reported that Germany would rather invade the USSR after the fall of the British Empire or after an unacceptable ultimatum demanding German occupation of Ukraine during the German invasion of Britain.

Is Kyiv safe from Russia?

Russian invasion of Ukraine – The Russian invasion of Ukraine is ongoing, with attacks against a number of major cities, including Kyiv. Several towns and cities in southern and eastern Ukraine are temporarily under Russian control. Ukraine’s airspace is closed.

Why is Kiev important to Russia?

Russian Empire – On January 31, 1667, the Truce of Andrusovo was concluded, in which the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth ceded Smolensk, Severia and Chernigov, and, on paper only for a period of two years, the city of Kiev to the Tsardom of Russia,

  • The Eternal Peace of 1686 acknowledged the status quo and put the city under the control of Russia for the centuries to come.
  • Iev slowly lost its autonomy, which was finally abolished in 1775 by the Empress Catherine the Great,
  • None of the Polish-Russian treaties concerning the city have ever been ratified.

In 1834, St. Vladimir University was established in the city (now known as National Taras Shevchenko University of Kyiv). The Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko cooperated with its geography department as a field researcher and editor. However, the Magdeburg Law existed in Kiev till that year, when it was abolished by the Decree of Tsar Nicholas I of Russia on December 23, 1834. The gates to the Monastery of the Caves in the 1890s. Even after Kiev and the surrounding region ceased being a part of Poland, Poles continued to play an important role. In 1812 there were over 43,000 Polish noblemen in Kiev province, compared to only approximately 1,000 Russian nobles,

Typically the nobles spent their winters in the city, where they held Polish balls and fairs. Until the mid-18th century Kiev was Polish in culture. although Poles made up no more than ten percent of the city’s population and 25% of its voters. During the 1830s Polish was the language of Kiev’s educational system, and until Polish enrollment in the university of St.

Vladimir was restricted in the 1860s they made up the majority of that school’s student body. The Russian government’s cancellation of the city’s autonomy and its placement under the rule of bureaucrats appointed from St. Petersburg was largely motivated by fear of Polish insurrection in the city.

Warsaw factories and fine Warsaw shops had branches in Kiev. Józef Zawadzki, founder of Kiev’s stock exchange, served as the city’s mayor in the 1890s. Poles living in the city tended to be friendly towards the Ukrainian national movement in the city, and some took part in Ukrainian organizations. Indeed, many of the poorer Polish nobles became Ukrainianized in language and culture and these Ukrainians of Polish descent constituted an important element of the growing Ukrainian national movement.

Kiev served as a meeting point where such activists came together with the pro-Ukrainian descendants of Cossack officers from the left bank. Many of them would leave the city for the surrounding countryside in order to try to spread Ukrainian ideas among the peasants.

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According to the Russian census of 1874, of 127,251 people living in Kiev, 38,553 (39%) spoke ” Little Russian ” (the Ukrainian language ), 12,917 (11%) spoke Yiddish, 9,736 (10 percent) spoke Great Russian, 7,863 (6 percent) spoke Polish, and 2,583 (2 percent) spoke German,48,437 (or 49%) of the city’s residents were listed as speaking “generally Russian speech ( obshcherusskoe narechie ).” Such people were typically Ukrainians and Poles who could speak enough Russian to be counted as Russian-speaking.

From the late 18th century until the late 19th century, city life was increasingly dominated by Russian military and ecclesiastical concerns. Russian Orthodox Church institutions formed a significant part of the city’s infrastructure and business activity at that time.

In the winter 1845–1846, the historian Mykola Kostomarov founded a secret political society, the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius, whose members put forward the idea of a federation of free Slavic people with Ukrainians as a distinct group among them rather than a part of the Russian nation.

The Brotherhood’s ideology was a synthesis of programmes of three movements: Ukrainian autonomists, Polish democrats, and Russian Decembrists in Ukraine. The society was quickly suppressed by the Tsarist authorities in March–April 1847. Following the gradual loss of Ukraine’s autonomy and suppression of the local Ukrainian and Polish cultures, Kiev experienced growing Russification in the 19th century by means of Russian migration, administrative actions (such as the Valuev Circular of 1863), and social modernization,

  1. At the beginning of the 20th century, the city was dominated by Russian -speaking population, while the lower classes retained Ukrainian folk culture to a significant extent.
  2. According to the census of 1897, of the city’s approximately 240,000 people approximately 56% of the population spoke the Russian language, 23% spoke the Ukrainian language, 12.5% spoke Yiddish, 7% spoke Polish and 1% spoke the Belarusian language.

Despite the Russian cultural dominance in the city, enthusiasts among ethnic Ukrainian nobles, military and merchants made recurrent attempts to preserve native culture in the city (by clandestine book-printing, amateur theater, folk studies etc.). House with Chimaeras, built in 1902 by the Polish architect Władysław Horodecki During the Russian industrial revolution in the late 19th century, Kiev became an important trade and transportation center of the Russian Empire, specializing in sugar and grain export by railroad and on the Dnieper river.

By 1900, the city had also become a significant industrial center, having a population of 250,000. Landmarks of that period include the railway infrastructure, the foundation of numerous educational and cultural facilities as well as notable architectural monuments (mostly merchant-oriented, i.e. Brodsky Choral Synagogue ).

At that time, a large Jewish community emerged in the city, developing its own ethnic culture and business interests. This was stimulated by the prohibition of Jewish settlement in Russia proper ( Moscow and Saint Petersburg ) — as well as further eastwards.

  1. Expelled from Kiev in 1654, Jews probably were not able to settle in the city again until the early 1790s.
  2. On December 2, 1827, Nicholas I of Russia expelled seven hundred Jews from the city.
  3. In 1836, the Pale of Settlement banned Jews from Kiev as well, fencing off the city’s districts from the Jewish population.

Thus, at mid-century Jewish merchants who came to fairs in the city could stay for up to six months. In 1881 and 1905, notorious pogroms in the city resulted in the death of about 100 Jews. The development of aviation (both military and amateur) became another notable mark of distinction of Kyiv in the early 20th century.

Was Kiev destroyed in ww2?

Worldwide sympathy – The Ukrainian resistance is led by a Jewish Ukrainian, a president previously known in his own country for his comedy work in his native tongue, Russian. Long viewed with suspicion by more explicitly patriotic Ukrainians, Zelensky is now drawing support and sympathy from every corner.

The notion that Ukraine needs to be ‘de-Nazified’ is patently absurd. It is partly due to the actions of the Ukrainian president that the resistance is so massive. Nothing is more symbolic of this than the issuing of weapons to civilians in the city, which the international media now increasingly calls Kyiv, the Ukrainian name for a city that used to be known by its Russian name (Kiev).

Never before in history have Ukrainians experienced so much sympathy around the world. None of these factors, unprecedented in Ukrainian history, will be sufficient to save the Ukrainian capital. Time and again, my thoughts go out to friends and colleagues who are still in Kyiv.

  1. Will they survive? Are they going to witness the destruction of their beloved city? In September 1941, part of Kyiv city centre was destroyed; not by the German occupying forces, but by the Russian Red Army.
  2. The latter remotely detonated mines that were hidden before German troops arrived in the city.

Stalin proved willing to sacrifice the city and its inhabitants to thwart the German enemy. NIOD researcher Karel Berkhoff, who specialises in the history of Eastern Europe and the Holocaust, fears that history will repeat itself in Kyiv. : Blog: The destruction of Kyiv, then and now?

How many Russians died in ww2?

Key Terms – “unworthy of life” In German, ” Lebensunwertes Leben,” this term was a Nazi designation for the segments of the populace which, according to the Nazi regime of the time, had no right to live. Executive Order 9066 A United States presidential executive order signed and issued during World War II by the United States President Franklin D.

Roosevelt on February 19, 1942, authorizing the Secretary of War to prescribe certain areas as military zones, clearing the way for the deportation of Japanese Americans and Italian-Americans to internment camps. gulag The government agency that administered the main Soviet forced labour camp systems during the Stalin era, from the 1930s until the 1950s.

Estimates for the total number of casualties in the war vary because many deaths went unrecorded. Most suggest that some 75 million people died in the war, including about 20 million military personnel and 40 million civilians. Many civilians died because of deliberate genocide, massacres, mass-bombings, disease, and starvation.

The Soviet Union lost around 27 million people during the war, including 8.7 million military and 19 million civilian deaths. The largest portion of military dead were 5.7 million ethnic Russians, followed by 1.3 million ethnic Ukrainians. A quarter of the people in the Soviet Union were wounded or killed.

Germany sustained 5.3 million military losses, mostly on the Eastern Front and during the final battles in Germany. Of the total number of deaths in World War II, approximately 85 percent—mostly Soviet and Chinese—were on the Allied side and 15 percent on the Axis side.

Many deaths were caused by war crimes committed by German and Japanese forces in occupied territories. An estimated 11 to 17 million civilians died either as a direct or as an indirect result of Nazi ideological policies, including the systematic genocide of around 6 million Jews during the Holocaust and an additional 5 to 6 million ethnic Poles and other Slavs (including Ukrainians and Belarusians), Roma, homosexuals, and other ethnic and minority groups.

Hundreds of thousands of ethnic Serbs, along with gypsies and Jews, were murdered by the Axis-aligned Croatian Ustaše in Yugoslavia, and retribution-related killings were committed just after the war ended. In Asia and the Pacific, between 3 million and more than 10 million civilians, mostly Chinese (estimated at 7.5 million), were killed by the Japanese occupation forces.

  • The best-known Japanese atrocity was the Nanking Massacre, in which 50 to 300 thousand Chinese civilians were raped and murdered.
  • Mitsuyoshi Himeta reported that 2.7 million casualties occurred during the Sankō Sakusen.
  • General Yasuji Okamura implemented the policy in Heipei and Shantung.
  • Axis forces employed biological and chemical weapons.

The Imperial Japanese Army used a variety of such weapons during its invasion and occupation of China and in early conflicts against the Soviets. Both the Germans and Japanese tested such weapons against civilians and sometimes on prisoners of war. The Soviet Union was responsible for the Katyn massacre of 22,000 Polish officers and the imprisonment or execution of thousands of political prisoners by the NKVD in the Baltic states and eastern Poland annexed by the Red Army.

The mass-bombing of civilian areas, notably the cities of Warsaw, Rotterdam and London, included the aerial targeting of hospitals and fleeing refugees by the German Luftwaffe, along with the bombings of Tokyo and the German cities of Dresden, Hamburg, and Cologne by the Western Allies. These bombings may be considered war crimes.

The latter resulted in the destruction of more than 160 cities and the death of more than 600,000 German civilians. However, no positive or specific customary international humanitarian law with respect to aerial warfare existed before or during World War II. World War II Casualties: Estimates suggest that some 75 million people died in World War II, including about 20 million military personnel and 40 million civilians. The German government led by Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party was responsible for the Holocaust, the killing of approximately 6 million Jews, 2.7 million ethnic Poles, and 4 million others who were deemed “unworthy of life” (including the disabled and mentally ill, Soviet prisoners of war, homosexuals, Freemasons, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and Romani) as part of a program of deliberate extermination.

  • About 12 million, mostly Eastern Europeans, were employed in the German war economy as forced laborers.
  • In addition to Nazi concentration camps, the Soviet gulags (labor camps) led to the death of citizens of occupied countries such as Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, as well as German prisoners of war (POWs) and Soviet citizens who were thought to be Nazi supporters.

Of the 5.7 million Soviet POWs of the Germans, 57 percent died or were killed during the war, a total of 3.6 million. Soviet ex-POWs and repatriated civilians were treated with great suspicion as potential Nazi collaborators, and some were sent to the Gulag upon being checked by the NKVD.

  • Japanese POW camps, many of which were used as labor camps, also had high death rates.
  • The International Military Tribunal for the Far East found the death rate of Western prisoners was 27.1 percent (for American POWs, 37 percent), seven times that of POWs under the Germans and Italians.
  • While 37,583 prisoners from the UK, 28,500 from the Netherlands, and 14,473 from the United States were released after the surrender of Japan, the number of Chinese released was only 56.

According to historian Zhifen Ju, at least five million Chinese civilians from northern China and Manchukuo were enslaved between 1935 and 1941 by the East Asia Development Board, or Kōain, for work in mines and war industries. After 1942, the number reached 10 million.

The US Library of Congress estimates that in Java, between 4 and 10 million rōmusha (Japanese: “manual laborers”), were forced to work by the Japanese military. About 270,000 of these Javanese laborers were sent to other Japanese-held areas in South East Asia, and only 52,000 were repatriated to Java.

On February 19, 1942, Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, interning about 100,000 Japanese living on the West Coast. Canada had a similar program. In addition, 14,000 German and Italian citizens who had been assessed as being security risks were also interned. The Liberation of Bergen-Belsen Concentration: SS female camp guards remove prisoners’ bodies from lorries and carry them to a mass grave, inside the German Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, 1945

What group destroyed Kiev?

Siege – The vanguard army under Batu’s cousin Möngke came near the city. Möngke was apparently taken by the splendor of Kiev and offered the city terms for surrender, but his envoys were killed. The Mongols chose to assault the city. Batu Khan destroyed the forces of the Rus vassals, the Chorni Klobuky, who were on their way to relieve Kiev, and the entire Mongol army camped outside the city gates, joining Möngke’s troops.

  • According to one chronicle account written many years after the fact, the Mongol siege engines took ten weeks to break through Kiev’s two sets of fortifications.
  • On 28 November, the Mongols set up catapults near one of the three gates of old Kiev where tree cover extended almost to the city walls.
  • The Mongols then began a bombardment that lasted several days.

On 6 December, Kiev’s walls were breached, and hand-to-hand combat followed in the streets. The Kievans suffered heavy losses and Dmytro was wounded by an arrow. When night fell the Mongols held their positions while the Kievans retreated to the central parts of the city.

  1. Many people crowded into the Church of the Tithes,
  2. The next day, as the Mongols commenced the final assault, the church’s balcony collapsed under the weight of the people standing on it, crushing many.
  3. After the Mongols won the battle, they plundered Kiev.
  4. Most of the population was massacred,
  5. Out of 50,000 inhabitants before the invasion, about 2,000 survived.

Most of the city was burned and only six out of forty major buildings remained standing. Dmytro, however, was shown mercy for his bravery.

Did Russia start from Kiev?

Can we say that there are common roots between Russians and Ukrainians? – Yes. Russia and Ukraine have their roots in the Kyiv Empire. Kyiv – along with several other cities in the region – was destroyed following the Mongolian attacks and conquest in the 13 th century.

  1. This led to the end of this empire.
  2. The source of this common heritage could be defined by this dynasty of the princes of Kyiv.
  3. After the fall of Kyiv, there were great battles between the princes who survived the Mongol conquest to keep a small amount of power in this region.
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How many times has Ukraine been invaded by Russia?


Conflict Invasion Year
World War II (1939–1945) Operation Barbarossa 1941
Russo-Ukrainian War (2014–present) Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation 2014
War in Donbas 2014–2022
Russian invasion of Ukraine 2022–present